As Israel and the United States bombed Iran in June 2025, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi issued some of Beijing’s clearest statements of support for Tehran in recent years.
In a pivotal phone call on June 14 with Iranian Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi, Wang stated, “China supports Iran in safeguarding its national sovereignty, defending its legitimate rights and interests, and ensuring the safety of its people.”
Israel’s decisive bombing of Iran prompted immediate and forceful condemnation from Beijing.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi accused Israel of seriously violating “the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and the basic norms governing international relations,” and specifically denounced the strikes on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure as setting “a dangerous precedent with potentially catastrophic consequences.”
China’s reaction to the Israel-Iran escalation was swift and unambiguous. Within hours of Israeli strikes, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian stated that “China opposes actions that violate Iran’s sovereignty, security and territorial integrity, and opposes moves that escalate tensions and enlarge conflicts.”
Beijing characterized the “abrupt heating up of the region” as serving “no one’s interests” while positioning China as ready to “play a constructive role in helping ease the situation.”
Beijing then mobilized its multilateral partnerships, with China joining Russia and Pakistan in calling for an “immediate and unconditional ceasefire” at the UN Security Council.
Chinese officials used the Shanghai Cooperation Organization platform to issue condemnatory statements, though this prompted pushback from India, which was not consulted on the joint declaration.
These statements from Beijing come after years of China turning a blind eye to Iran’s support for some of the most destabilizing terrorist organizations in the region, including Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis.
They also ignore the fact that Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) funds, trains, and arms terrorist groups around the world.
Much of Ayatollah Khamenei’s rhetoric and many of Iran’s attacks are directed at the United States and its interests, including U.S. military personnel in Syria and attacks on commercial shipping in the Red Sea.
China’s strong diplomatic support for Iran is rooted in strategic economic interests. Despite sweeping U.S. sanctions, China buys about 90% of Iran’s oil exports, making it Tehran’s primary economic lifeline.
This trade bypasses Western financial systems through yuan-based transactions and intermediaries. Iranian crude arrives via a “dark fleet” of tankers that obscure its origin.
These purchases finance nearly 20% of Iran’s GDP, while China benefits from discounted oil—about 8% below market value—thanks to Iran’s limited buyers.
The conflict has also exposed China’s energy vulnerabilities, particularly its dependence on the Strait of Hormuz, where over 30% of its LNG imports pass. Any Iranian attempt to block the strait could severely disrupt China’s economy.
Beyond energy, Iran supports China’s broader effort to build global governance structures outside U.S. influence. Through multilateral platforms like BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Iran helps China advance its vision of global security and challenge what it calls American hegemony.
Despite economic risks, the Iran conflict presents strategic openings for Beijing. As U.S. focus shifts to the Middle East, China may gain freedom to act more aggressively in the South China Sea or near Taiwan.
At the same time, it’s seizing a propaganda victory—using the Iran war, as it has Ukraine and Gaza, to push the narrative that the U.S.-led order causes, rather than prevents, global instability.
Chinese Defense Minister Dong Jun has echoed this message on platforms like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), condemning U.S. “hegemonic” behavior while promoting China’s Global Security Initiative (GSI) as an alternative model for global cooperation.
This messaging has found particular resonance among Global South nations, many of which view Western policies as hypocritical and self-serving.
While China has voiced its strongest support for Iran to date, its response during the crisis revealed clear limits to that backing.
Despite the bold rhetoric and sharp condemnations of U.S. and Israeli actions, Beijing’s support remained strictly diplomatic.
White House officials reported seeing “no signs” of China providing military aid to Iran, underscoring Beijing’s ongoing reluctance to become materially entangled in Middle Eastern conflicts.
This restraint reflects China’s long-standing strategy in the region: assert its presence and challenge U.S. influence without jeopardizing broader economic interests or risking direct confrontation.
Until now, Beijing has carefully walked a tightrope, publicly supporting Iran while avoiding overt alignment in regional conflicts.
As the world’s largest energy importer, China has a strong interest in maintaining stable relations across the Middle East.
Its Belt and Road Initiative has helped secure partnerships with numerous Muslim-majority nations, buying both their cooperation and their silence on China’s genocide against Uyghur Muslims.
Unlike the United States, China lacks a powerful global military presence. It operates only one official overseas base, in Djibouti, compared to the extensive U.S. network across the Middle East.
Having observed the costs of America’s long-term interventions in the region, Beijing has adopted a risk-averse foreign policy that prioritizes economic access over military engagement.
At the same time, however, China’s inability to project military power far from its shores limits Beijing’s options, both in retaliating against the U.S. and in militarily supporting Iran.
Ultimately, the recent conflict reaffirmed China’s strategic calculus. While Beijing will continue offering strong rhetorical support for Iran and use the crisis to undermine the U.S.-led world order, it will likely avoid any actions that risk direct confrontation.
For China, the real battlefield in the Middle East remains economic and diplomatic, not military.
However, the distraction of U.S. forces in the region could create an opening for Beijing to seize the initiative elsewhere, particularly through increased military activity in the South China Sea or around Taiwan.
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