The Enigma of April Fool’s Day: Trump’s Hidden War to Save the Republic – New from David Clements
The following is the latest from former Professor and Attorney David Clements.
See transcript below:
A SHADOW ENGULFS OUR REPUBLIC, its sacred vote plundered for over two decades by traitors wielding rigged elections and a media unleashed to deceive by the Smith-Mundt Modernization Act of 2012, a law that freed government-funded propaganda to shape American minds. As I’ve chronicled in “Mr. President, Look to Lincoln and Act” and “Antifa’s Fall,” President Donald Trump, guided by loyal military advisors, may have crafted a grand sting in 2020 to unmask this betrayal.
A cryptic clue emerged on July 13, 2024, when Trump, surviving an assassin’s bullet in Butler, Pennsylvania, brandished an immigration chart with a startling note: its bottom right corner claimed he “left office” on April 1, 2020. Did he signal a secret activation of Continuity of Government, a Cold War plan to preserve governance amid catastrophe, hinting at a shadow war to reclaim America?
This question demands answers. Consider the timing. Days prior, the bioweapon known as COVID-19 was unleashed to shut down America. Antifa’s street chaos during the “summer of love” shaped their handler’s fear campaign. Precursors to a stolen election. All tools to carry out a soft coup by globalist insiders—think Obama’s intelligence operatives and Clinton’s hidden allies.
In 2025, troops march to Portland, Oregon, and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) facilities to counter Antifa’s riots. New executive orders shield elections, and Venezuelan operatives are named as meddlers. If Continuity of Government was triggered in 2020, it could nullify objections from courts corrupted by traitors, keeping Trump’s fight within the Constitution’s hallowed bounds.
As a former professor and prosecutor, I offer a civilian lens to trace this legal path, blending it with military standards to reveal how Trump—and allies like House Speaker Mike Johnson, who calls himself a “wartime speaker”—could restore the Republic. Trump’s own words, claiming vast presidential powers and a wartime mantle, underscore a commander-in-chief’s resolve against a fractured government.
And that’s the topic for today.
The Enigma of April Fool’s Day: Trump’s Hidden War to Save the Republic
On July 13, 2025, as Trump defied death in Butler, he pointed to an immigration chart declaring he “left office” on April 1, 2020—a date belied by his service until January 20, 2021. In our premise—elections rigged since 2000 via hacked machines and foreign ballots, media hiding treason—this note sparks intrigue.
Continuity of Government is a classified system, born in the Cold War to ensure governance survives crises like nuclear war or a coup. Guided by Presidential Policy Directive 40 (PPD-40), it allows the President to relocate leaders to secure bunkers—like Cheyenne Mountain, Colorado—or transfer power to trusted officials if Washington falls. Did military advisors, alerted by 2016’s spying on Trump’s campaign (exposed in 2025 by declassified intelligence reports), warn him that the COVID-19 bioweapon had two ends?
First, to set into motion the bioengineers’ depopulation agenda. Second, to create panic to undermine his presidency and shape the conditions to rig the 2020 election through machine subversion and mail-in ballots. Could Continuity of Government have been activated on April 1, 2020, to counter the insurgency, shield a sting operation, with Trump’s “departure” a coded signal of a shadow presidency?
This aligns with a sting: tracking fraud through ballots or data from the Space Force, a military branch created in 2019 to oversee space and cyber operations, possibly using Starlink, SpaceX’s satellite network with early 2020 Defense Department contracts. The chart’s note, a patriot’s signal, may suggest Trump devolved power to those loyal to their oaths of office, retaining control over critical assets—nuclear codes, secure bunkers—while captured civilian arms, like FBI Director Christopher Wray or Attorney General Merrick Garland, turned the bureaucracy against the people.
Trump’s own rhetoric supports this. On September 30, 2025, at Marine Corps Base Quantico, addressing 800 generals and admirals, he proclaimed himself the “45th, 46th, and 47th President,” emphasizing the 46th—Biden’s term—as one he shuns credit for due to its “disasters.” If Continuity of Government was active, this implies he held shadow authority over essentials during Biden’s tenure, a wartime fracture where patriots guarded the Republic’s core against rogue elements.
Building the Case: A Civilian and Military Lens
As a former prosecutor, I know investigations must be lawful to withstand scrutiny. In the civilian justice system, we follow a clear process: starting with reasonable articulable suspicion (specific facts suggesting wrongdoing, a low bar), escalating to probable cause (enough evidence for legal action like warrants), then clear and convincing evidence (a strong case, often for civil matters), and finally beyond a reasonable doubt (proof for criminal convictions). This is how I would have built a case against election fraud or treason—betraying the nation to foreign powers, per Article III of the Constitution. In 2016, suspicion arose when the FBI’s Crossfire Hurricane, a probe into Trump’s campaign, was unmasked in 2025 as a fabricated “Russia hoax” by Obama’s intelligence officials, with Clinton’s allies fueling the lie. This justified secret probes into treason or seditious conspiracy (plotting to overthrow the government, 18 U.S.C. § 2384).
By 2018, Executive Order 13848, a presidential directive ordering the Director of National Intelligence to investigate foreign election interference, built probable cause. Declassified 2025 reports confirmed meddling, like Chinese-funded fake ballots. The 2020 sting—tracking fraud via Space Force or Starlink—gathered strong evidence of a stolen election, with Antifa’s riots as a distraction. In 2025, declassification could deliver undeniable proof for convictions.
Given the military stakes—treason under a national security framework—the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ, 10 U.S.C. §§ 801–946) applies for tribunals. Military investigations start with preliminary inquiries (like reasonable suspicion) based on credible information of crimes like Aiding the Enemy (Article 103b, UCMJ) or sedition (Article 94). Commanders’ investigations (akin to probable cause) justify charges, leading to courts-martial, requiring proof beyond a reasonable doubt, as in civilian courts. In a Continuity of Government scenario, military tribunals could prosecute traitors if civilian courts are captured, bypassing corrupted judges. Trump’s sting, if under Continuity of Government, blended civilian evidence-building with military rigor, preparing for tribunals.
Trump’s assertions of power fuel this path. On July 23, 2019, at a Washington, D.C., youth summit, he declared, “I have an Article II, where I have the right to do whatever I want as president,” invoking the Constitution’s executive authority. On March 18, 2020, amid COVID-19, he called himself a “wartime president,” framing the crisis as a battle against an “invisible enemy.” House Speaker Mike Johnson echoed this, calling himself a “wartime speaker” on April 16, 2024, and again and February 24th and June 12th of 2025, citing the “consequential times” of his tenure amid political battles and national unrest. Their rhetoric paints a fractured government—patriots like Trump and Johnson holding the line, while captured officials betray the people. Trump delayed arrests in 2017, knowing a deceived public, swayed by media lies, would reject them as tyranny, letting enemies overplay their hand while truth was stifled on Twitter, YouTube, and Google.
The Insurrection Act: A Silent Strike?
The Insurrection Act (10 U.S.C. §§ 251–255), an 1807 law, allows the President to deploy troops or federalize the National Guard to stop rebellions or lawlessness, like a rigged election threatening federal authority. On September 27, 2025, Trump sent troops to Portland and ICE facilities, labeling Antifa—radical activists tied to 2020’s chaos—“domestic terrorists” attacking federal sites. Oregon’s leaders, possibly complicit, sued, claiming the move was unlawful.
So, here is a question to ponder. Does the Insurrection Act require Trump to announce its use, alerting traitors or a misled public?
In a word, no.
Section 254 requires only a public proclamation after invocation, ordering rebels to “disperse,” as President Bush did in 1992 for Los Angeles riots. No law demands prior notice to enemies or Congress. One could argue Trump already provided notice to disperse. On January 20, 2025, President Trump issued a Presidential Proclamation (”Guaranteeing the States Protection Against Invasion”), which aligns with § 254 by ordering dispersal of those contributing to the border crisis, effectively satisfying this requirement before military deployments were made.
The proclamation is a prerequisite only when the Insurrection Act is explicitly invoked. However, under Continuity of Government, a secret order—perhaps a Presidential Emergency Action Document (PEAD), a classified crisis plan—could have invoked the Act on April Fool’s Day 2020, with troops deployed domestically (this year) as its echo.
This would bypass the Posse Comitatus Act (18 U.S.C. § 1385), which bars military use in domestic policing unless exceptions like the Insurrection Act apply. If Continuity of Government was active, complaints from captured courts, like Oregon’s, would be powerless. Authority, even if devolved, would override tainted rulings.
The Missing Orders: A Trail of Shadows
Trump’s executive orders, directives with the force of law, reveal gaps. From 2017 to 2021, he issued 220 orders, none naming the Insurrection Act. EO 13848 (2018) set traps, ordering probes into election fraud, with 2025 leaks confirming Venezuelan, Serbian, and Chinese meddling. In 2025, 205 orders were issued (numbered 14147 to 14351) including a January border security order to repel the invasion, and an order targeting Venezuelan narco-terrorists, which coincidentally involves election interference. Yet no order invokes the Act. I believe the silence is deliberate: a sting thrives in secrecy, avoiding media cries of “dictator.” The April 1st chart hints at hidden orders, possibly tying Continuity of Government to Space Force’s cyber tracking or Starlink’s secure data, preserving evidence of the coup.
Awakening the People
The public, lulled by media lies claiming elections are “secure,” is the final battleground. Trump’s declassification power, rooted in Article II, can reveal sting evidence: tracked ballots, hacked systems, Venezuelan plots. The DNI, now led by patriots in 2025, could unveil this, as recent leaks exposed 2016’s spying. X, still shadow banning many, at least appears to be freer from corporate gatekeepers, and spreading truth is an easier prospect than in 2020. If corrupted courts block, as in 2020’s 60+ failed lawsuits, Continuity of Government’s framework—shifting power to loyalists—prevails. The Constitution’s 14th Amendment could bar traitorous officials, or a House vote, led by a “wartime speaker” like Johnson, could restore governance.
The Path Ahead
The chart’s riddle—April 1, 2020—may signal Continuity of Government’s activation, a shield for a sting to expose a bioweapon and stolen election. Trump’s Quantico claim as the “46th President” suggests he held shadow control, with Johnson’s “wartime” resolve as his legislative ally. In 2025, troops in Portland, orders against Venezuela, and Antifa’s defeat are its ripples. The Insurrection Act, if secretly invoked, awaits its proclamation when traitors are cornered. Article II, Continuity of Government, and declassification form a legal trinity to slay the coup.
I offer one final thought for your consideration, though its anecdotal.
On August 13, 2021, I met Trump directly after presenting at Mike Lindell’s Cyber Symposium, a chaotic event rife with spies, truth-tellers, misinformation, infiltrators, and honeypots. The event was a gamble for all involved. I firmly believe the symposium became a trap to ensnare and destroy the election integrity movement at its inception. But for the miraculous emergence of whistleblower Tina Peters, providing unassailable evidence of election subversion in Mesa County, and a hard pivot away from PCAPs tied to Dennis Montgomery, a spook and con man of the highest order, the trap would have succeeded.
Trump seemed genuinely surprised when I arrived, as he had just finished watching my presentation on television. Our 30-minute meeting began with Trump going through the motions lamenting 2020’s unfairness. He didn’t need to re-air his grievances, certainly not with a nobody like me. I suspect Trump was weighing me in a balance. I had heard he possessed a radar that saw through people in seconds. Never taking his eyes off me, he spoke while I listened, reading my reactions like a book.
He would eventually turn to me and ask, “What do we do?”
How would you respond to such a question? Only a fool would open his mouth and delude himself into thinking he had an answer to satisfy the most powerful man in the world.
Now understand, I do not think for a second, Trump was relying on me for an answer. He already had the answers. I believe he was simply adjusting his scale, fine-tuning his weighing and measuring of yours truly. My invitation may have served as nothing more than a curiosity. A law professor backing his claims made me a unicorn, a novelty.
With no attempt to impress the President, I simply told him the problem was not the black letter law found in the lawsuits filed by his lawyers. That I could file a lawsuit with 10 more months’ worth of evidence of fraud, and the case would be dismissed twice as fast. That the real problem was the existential threat Trump posed to his enemies, which included a captured judiciary.
I told him that the judiciary was “cancer-ridden,” a barrier to justice.
He challenged my statement. “All of it? Are you sure?”
Now that he posed the question, I paused. Was I sure? How could I be?
I have reexamined our conversation in my head a thousand times.
I believe in that moment he was offering a subtle clue that I shouldn’t be so certain. And through hindsight, perhaps a different type of court was already at work. I hope I will learn the answer to this question one day.
Towards the end of our meeting, I sought an answer from him to ease the weight of it all. Keep in mind, my loyalty to this man’s office, would go on to cost me everything. I would lose my career the following week. I would lose my reputation in the press the following year, slandered and destroyed. I would be targeted by the IRS, subjected to death threats, and physical assaults. I needed something to keep the faith.
So, I spoke up and said, “As you sit there, you are the commander-in-chief, by virtue of our legal votes. The most powerful man in the world, no matter what attempts the imposter Biden made to steal the election. Meaning no disrespect to Mike Lindell, there is no way the fate of the Republic is in the hands of the MyPillow guy. That he has data that you don’t.”
After all, I was staring at the guy that created Space Force.
He didn’t answer. He just gave me an appraising look.
I concluded by saying something along the lines of, “Mr. President, I don’t see a path in the (civilian) courts of law. So, I will do everything in my power to change hearts and minds in the court of public opinion. I trust that you have a plan. And when the time is right, I believe the American people will meet you in the middle.”
Again, Trump did not answer, giving nothing away. He simply nodded his head and asked, “Would you mind if I join you for dinner?’
Take what you will from this article. I would go on to sit at a dinner table with the greatest man I had ever met for nearly three hours.
I have never spoken with the President since. I don’t know if that was because my advocacy, while over the target, could potentially conflict with plans set into motion a decade ago. Or that being read into his inner circle was too big a risk. After all, as a civilian professor, I came out of nowhere. Perhaps, I didn’t make an impression on him at all, and memory of our meeting would fade alongside his countless other meetings held with much more important men.
I just know that I treasure that memory. I got to sit at the equivalent of the King’s table. I left with a photograph. Impressed by his genius, and even more impressed by his kindness to those around him. Busboys, waitresses, were all treated with dignity.
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