Călin Georgescu—once viewed by Romania’s corrupt, entrenched political establishment as an “outsider”—stunned Europe and the world in November 2024 by cruising to a first-round victory in the presidential race. He looked certainly poised to win the second-round runoff in a landslide, but that momentum was abruptly halted when the result was annulled amid allegations of foreign, so-called ‘Russian interference.’ Sound familiar? The annulment, described by many as illegal and wholly anti-democratic, was driven by Romania’s globalist elite and allegedly amplified by influential international figures, including French President Emmanuel Macron and then-US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken. Marco Rubio’s State Department has since described the interference claim as entirely unsubstantiated. If being barred from becoming Romania’s prime minister on unsubstantiated grounds wasn’t enough, Georgescu now faces criminal charges alleging he plotted a coup—accusations he and his supporters call politically motivated and unproven. If convicted, he could face up to 20 years behind bars.
In this exclusive interview, Georgescu explains why he says Europe’s ruling elites are silencing dissent—by legal, financial, and political means—and how that campaign has reached him personally. Facing 20 years in prison, Georgescu frames his struggle as part of a broader fight for national sovereignty, faith-based values, and closer ties with the United States. The interview covers the annulled election, the charges, historical parallels, foreign-policy priorities, and his vision for Romania’s renewal.
To start, I’d like to zoom out — take a 30,000-foot view of what’s unfolding across Europe, South America, and, more broadly, the Western world. We’re witnessing a deeply troubling trend: globalist elites appear to be neutralizing their opponents by every possible means — symbolically, legally, financially, politically, and in some instances, even literally. You can see this pattern in cases involving figures such as France’s Marine Le Pen, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) — which globalists in Germany are seeking to ban — Robert Fico, Donald Trump, and now Charlie Kirk…
Charlie Kirk, of course — it’s a terrible situation. He’s a young leader, and as I said in a recent speech, he’s not just a notable figure in the United States but someone whose stance resonates globally. His position has been a crucial element for democracy and for free, honest debate. That’s precisely why the globalist oligarchy and its enablers have turned against him — against the individual, against truth, against freedom of conscience and expression, and, in their view, even against God. Charlie Kirk is fighting for truth, for free debate, and for God.
That’s my point: it seems clear that the globalist elite know their popular support has collapsed, and winning elections has become increasingly difficult for them. So instead, they resort to banning opponents, ruining them financially, imprisoning them, or worse. How do you see this escalating campaign of lawfare and harsh repression against these figures across the Western world?
I’m absolutely convinced that the situation we’re facing today is, in fact, extraordinary. We’re living in remarkable times. Think of it this way: before the sun rises, there’s always a period of deep darkness and cold. Each day feels the same, but the light cannot be stopped—it always comes. That’s where we are now. Yes, the darkness is strong, but it’s because the light is close. What we’re experiencing is nothing less than a struggle between Archangel Michael and Satan. And like Charlie Kirk, we must fight for God.
In Romania, our elders and priests often used to say how they regretted not living in an era when such a battle for freedom would come. Yet here we are, you and I, contemporaries in this moment. So while it’s true the situation looks bleak, I choose to see the opportunity—the chance for a new world where people connect authentically, where love, not conflict, reigns, and where peace can prevail.
After so many years—your generation, my generation, even our parents and grandparents, who all struggled for freedom—we’ve arrived at a point where true freedom is within reach. It’s very close. So let’s not dwell on the empty half of the glass, but on the full half. We’re fortunate to be alive now, fortunate to take part in this historic challenge. Because in the end, the light will triumph over the darkness.
I want to turn to what happened recently with Romania’s Prosecutor General, who has brought coup-related charges against you and several members of your team. These are very serious allegations, carrying the possibility of up to 20 years in prison. How do you respond to them?
First and foremost, there’s no evidence. What they’ve produced so far is an insult to justice — entirely predictable, given their modus operandi. The playbook is the same one used against supposed “enemies” before: accuse someone of colluding with Russia whenever you need a charge. In other words, it’s a copy-and-paste file, like the allegations of Russian interference against President Trump in 2016 — no proof. The truth came out then for Trump, and it will come out for me as well. They merely changed the names; the file is essentially the same, so there’s nothing unusual here.
They have no other case to make. I won the election in a completely transparent, democratic way. The Romanian people woke up and voted — and they voted for me. I’ve always presented myself as a nationalist in the sense that I place my faith in God, in the Christian family, in peace, and in national sovereignty. From that commitment flows my economic program, which draws on a Hamiltonian concept I learned about in the United States: we must use our natural resources to produce and sustain our country.
I’d like to underline that I’ve always stood up for the little guy. That’s exactly why the system has turned against me: they don’t like the small entrepreneur, they don’t like peace, and they don’t like a state that serves the people rather than the oligarchs. I believe the state exists to serve its citizens — not to be a vehicle for a bench of oligarchs.
This is our flag — the value of democracy and freedom — and that’s precisely what both the Trump and Vance administrations sought to defend. I supported President Trump through his first term and during his battles with Hillary Clinton; in Romania I was, for a long time, nearly alone in doing so. In the second round, the system here lined up behind Biden’s administration.
When I raised the flag of democracy, freedom, and peace — those three pillars at the heart of my platform — the entire establishment turned against me. What they’ve produced is the same slanderous accusations they used against President Trump in 2016: allegations of Russian interference without real proof. They changed the names, but it’s the same playbook.
You know, they even arrested me in the street a few months ago. Since then, I’ve been under judicial control: I can’t leave the country, and I’m required to report to the police weekly. Frankly, this is what we’ve come to expect from the system that destroys lives of ordinary people and of families.
And yet, thanks in part to President Trump, we’ve reached an important moment for humanity, not just Romania. If he had not acted, I doubt I would have been able to reach this position — even though the authorities cancelled the election with a specific objective. (We can discuss that cancellation in more detail, if you like.) In short: they wanted to prevent Trump from taking office and to stop people like me from advancing, even when the people voted clearly.
Many Romanians are drawing parallels between your case and the infamous “Tămădău Trial” of 1947, when Iuliu Maniu, Ion Mihalache, and other leaders of certain parties at the time were accused of “plotting against the social order” — a catch-all charge used by the newly installed communist regime to crush opposition. Maniu was sentenced to life in prison and died in Sighet, while others were jailed or politically neutralized. Do you see your indictment for allegedly “plotting a coup” as a modern-day version of the Tămădău Trial?
That’s a very good question — thank you. Look, since 1945, Romania has been shaped by the Bolshevik, communist regime, and in many ways that legacy still hangs over us today. Even in 2025, we confront the same kind of crude, authoritarian practices and the same dossiers used against political opponents — much like the charges brought against me now.
The difference in the old days was that the regime took care to fabricate evidence and assemble a seemingly consistent case against figures such as Juli Manu, Corneliu Copos, and others — even prominent peasant-party leaders like Yon Raju, who spent time in the United States and was a committed democrat. Today, by contrast, they often lack fabricated evidence, yet they keep pushing the justice system into the role of a political appendage. That’s profoundly dangerous: justice should defend principles, not serve political ends.
In practice, this means rights are sidelined and political charges are manufactured to take down anyone who wins, anyone who threatens the established order. You can see the same pattern elsewhere too — across administrations from Bush to Obama to Biden — and it only changed with the arrival of President Trump.
It seems that, time and time again, they — the globalists, the Left, deep state, permanent global political class — accuse their opponents of the very actions they themselves were undertaking—essentially staging a coup—using Saul Alinsky tactics. Would you agree?
Exactly — that’s been the situation up to now. But, I want to stress something important for your audience: the moment I said, “I stand for peace,” pledged to be a president for peace, and committed to defending the little guy, everything changed. Suddenly, they shut it down. In their view, I went from a candidate to a problem — “Who is this man?”
That’s when you were labeled a ‘Putinist,’ a ‘fascist,’ and other slurs globalists like to use — is that correct?
I agree — exactly. But I have nothing to do with Russia. I don’t. Nobody I know does. I’ve met a few people — briefly, when I was a member of the Club of Rome — but they were entirely insignificant contacts. Frankly, it’s the same situation as with the file on President Trump: copy and paste.
You asked whether I have faith in the Romanian people. Yes — I do. I believe Romanians understand what’s going on. Do I trust the entire judicial system? From my research, some parts appear deeply compromised. Still, not everyone in the justice system is corrupt. There are many principled, conscientious people in the judiciary act morally and responsibly.
Ultimately, I believe justice comes from God. I trust the process because it’s not just about me — it’s about Romania. I trust the Romanian people to say, “Stop — we don’t want to continue like this.” I have their support, and I’m devoted to serving them. Only when you truly love your nation can peace arrive; otherwise it’s impossible.
I remember that video that circulated on social media during your campaign — the little girl who spent a week making a handmade Orthodox icon for you. The way she made her way through the crowd with her mother, and the look on her face when you received it and gave her a massive hug — it was such a beautiful moment. It was really heartwarming to see how much the Romanian people love you.
Yeah — that was a very strong moment. People actually shouted, “Calin, we love you.” That hasn’t happened in 35 years — never has anyone told a politician that before.
The U.S. State Department’s latest Human Rights Report explicitly criticized Romania’s annulment of last year’s presidential election as a violation of democratic norms. Beyond issuing statements, has Washington taken any concrete steps to pressure Bucharest to protect your right to run? Secondly, do you agree that your political positions and worldview align with the policies of the Trump administration? Third, if you could speak directly to Washington right now, what would you say?
They’ve already done a lot, given how difficult the situation has been in Romania. First and foremost, I’m fully aligned with the Trump administration — that’s number one. I’m also confident Washington knows exactly what needs to be done; everything is on their radar.
We all remember how things were complicated under the previous U.S. administration — Biden and Blinken played a major role in creating the current situation here. I don’t have a daily direct line to Washington, but of course there are channels of communication, and I’m optimistic. From what I know of how the Trump–Vance team operates, they’re working the problem step by step, and I expect clarity to come soon.
On a personal note, I’m steeped in American culture and political thought. I first visited the United States in 1992 and have returned dozens of times since. I studied Jefferson, Hamilton, Washington — the founders — and I learned patience from that tradition. That’s important now: patience and trust that competent leaders are handling a complex international picture.
Globally, we’re in a three-power world — the United States, China and Russia. If those actors are managed wisely, and if constructive diplomacy can bring them together, there’s a real chance for peace. That’s what we want: peace, stability and the chance to build a better life rooted in shared values. Ultimately, I believe in pursuing solutions with calm, faith and a focus on the common good.
Speaking of geopolitics, you’ve been critical of NATO and the EU when their policies seem to undermine Romanian sovereignty. How do you define Romania’s rightful place between East and West, and what foreign-policy doctrine would best safeguard Romania’s independence and sovereignty?
First off, I want to be clear: I’m not against NATO or the European Union. My position has never been to oppose these institutions outright. What I’ve always said — and will say again — is that Romania must defend its sovereignty. We owe that to our country and our people. As president, my job would be to protect Romania’s interests and negotiate the terms that come to the table. You can’t accept everything blindly; that’s not leadership.
Sometimes you have to “go big or go home.” By that I mean we need to think big, act strategically, and set ambitious goals for Romania’s future. Take geography: Romania controls a crucial part of the Black Sea, and Constanța — our deep-water port — is a strategic asset. Constanța is a gateway: economically and militarily, it matters. Whoever controls sea access gains huge leverage, and Romania is uniquely placed at the crossroads between Europe and the East.
That’s why my foreign-policy focus is a close partnership with the United States. I want Constanța to be a shared strategic hub with America — a golden key to the Black Sea that supports trade, security, and regional stability. With U.S. cooperation, the Danube could become a major artery into the heart of Europe, linking maritime and river transport to wider continental routes.
I’ve proposed bigger regional infrastructure ideas too — for example, a water and trade corridor linking the Black Sea to the Caspian via Georgia and Azerbaijan. That would open an east–west route that bypasses difficult or hostile territories and gives Europe, with American backing, leverage over Eurasian trade without firing a single shot. Look at a map: no other European ally sits where Romania does at the gates of the Orient. That’s a unique advantage we should use.
If we pursue this vision — strategic ports, better inland links, and strong U.S. partnership — Romania can become a pillar of peace and economic stability in the region. When people feel economically secure, when social protections and human rights are respected, communities thrive: they smile, they work, they prosper. That’s the future I want to build for Romania.
I want to stress the economic and partnership angle with the United States. Romania doesn’t want charity — we want a partnership that builds real wealth: energy, agriculture, infrastructure. We’re an oil nation, an agricultural nation, a hard-working nation — a natural ally for America, which values production the same way. Remember, Hamilton built America on real industry; that’s the model we want for Romania, with the U.S. as our principal partner.
Culturally, our tradition is unique and our people have long been pro-American. Since 1945 Romanians have looked to the United States, and that expectation hasn’t changed. Where Brussels demands obedience, Romania chooses freedom — and we see America as the partner that defends that freedom.
Under my leadership, Romania will be a stronghold for tradition, family and sovereignty. We’ll stand against the oligarchic, Soros-backed globalist system that opposes the Trump–Vance administration and America. That’s the core of my message: we’re determined to break the chains of that old system and to return to a model of real production, national dignity and freedom.
Regarding Romanian tradition and Christianity — how does the Romanian Orthodox Church inform your outlook? Your political discourse often emphasizes Romania’s spiritual and cultural roots. In what ways do the Church’s liturgy, traditions, and values act as a bulwark against the pressures of today’s global left/liberal “woke” system?
Yes — the Orthodox Church and its faith keep our spirit strong. This isn’t just about the body; it’s about the soul. Today, it’s our Orthodoxy that sustains the Romanian people — and that spiritual strength is our greatest asset. Throughout history Romanians have lived with respect for God; we’re not driven by greed.
What do I mean by that? The world can offer us many things, but it can’t satisfy unchecked greed — the kind the oligarchs practice when they try to control and enslave people because they don’t believe in God. By contrast, our faith teaches us restraint and gratitude. We aim for a decent economy that respects nature, private property, local entrepreneurs and the family — all values rooted in the gifts God has given us.
So your question is very apt: that spirit was exactly what I wanted to convey in my national address. The Romanian nation holds deep respect for God, grounded in our Orthodox tradition, and that foundation guides our political and social choices.
In a way, do you see Romania’s mission today as offering Europe a model for cultural and spiritual renewal?
Yes — absolutely. Rooted in our traditional way of life and Christian faith, Romania can serve as a model and a beacon for Europe’s cultural and spiritual renewal. We can show how communities reconnect, how people learn to understand one another again, and how love and common purpose become guiding principles.
Romania already has what it needs: natural resources, strategic geography, and — above all — people. Our oil, gas, salt and other mineral resources matter, but the real wealth is human capital: talented engineers, computer scientists and educators. I’ll say it plainly — Romania’s greatest riches are its people and its education system.
That said, we face a challenge: when education and freedom aren’t supported, creativity shrinks and talented people leave. Millions of Romanians now live abroad, and that diaspora is a loss we must reverse.
Placed at the crossroads of the Black Sea and the Danube, Romania has a unique geographic and spiritual role. With the right policies and a partnership based on Christian values, we can help rebuild Europe’s economic and cultural architecture — not by force, but by offering a stable, moral, and productive example.
To bring the conversation back to politics, there’s been a lot of talk about French-globalist influence in Romania, and many conservatives here say France is deeply unpopular. President Macron played a role in the annulment of the election you won by a large margin. Can you speak to that—how much influence does France actually have in Romania?
There are two points to make. First, the historical and cultural ties between Romania and France run deep. Many of our brightest artists and professionals studied in Paris — think of Constantin Brâncuși, who trained and worked there — and for a long time Bucharest was even called “Little Paris.” That shared cultural sympathy shaped generations of Romanian elites: doctors, artists and intellectuals who were educated in France and brought back those influences.
Second, however, times have changed. France itself has gone through upheaval, and its global posture has shifted. Some Romanians feel that France still treats Romania as if it were in a dependent role — almost like a former colony — and that’s unacceptable. I reject any notion of Romania being anyone’s satellite. Our people want independence, not tutelage.
Today, when I look at the protests and discontent on the streets of Paris, it’s clear that many French citizens themselves are unhappy with their government. But my position is simple and firm: Romania must be sovereign. We own our land, our resources and our destiny. As president, I would be a servant of the Romanian people — for the people, by the people, with the people. If the state no longer represents its citizens and instead serves a handful of oligarchs, true democracy vanishes. I want the state to represent only the people; otherwise, we lose both democracy and respect.
Internationally, we’re seeing a new alignment of conservative-populist forces—from the U.S. to Central Europe. Do you see potential allies abroad for your political project, and how would those relationships shape your strategy? Additionally, which shared values do you see uniting these movements across the U.S. and Europe? Are there any particular allies that stand out?
Absolutely. Our chief partner is the United States — we share values under the banner of democracy, freedom and peace. Regionally, close ties with Bratislava and Budapest are important; I also see Italy as a key ally, and we maintain links with Germany — where many Romanians live and work — as well as with Turkey, Serbia, and Croatia.
Diplomacy, to me, starts at home: you must have impeccable relations with your neighbours. Beyond that, when dealing with great powers — the United States, China, and Russia — dialogue must come first. We’re not cavemen; we resolve differences with words, not with force. The Bible begins with “the Word,” and I believe speech, reason, and negotiation should lead the way. Who wants war in the third millennium? No one.
Finally, international relations must rest on genuine human rights, not mere paper declarations. Too often we sign promises at the United Nations that never translate into action on the ground. If what’s written isn’t implemented, then the documents are meaningless. I’m committed to real, actionable human rights and to partnerships rooted in respect, common interest and a shared will to build a better life for our people.
Switching gears: earlier, you mentioned the Club of Rome and the United Nations — you’ve rubbed shoulders with people from these supranational organizations in your earlier life. What are those people like, personally?
My first involvement with the United Nations was around 1995–1996. To be frank, I feel very fortunate — serving in those international institutions for almost 17 years was an invaluable experience. I learned a great deal.
That said, I also came away with hard lessons. In practice, these bodies aren’t always driven purely by public-spirited goals — money and patronage matter. You quickly notice who’s footing the bill for conferences and events, who pays salaries, and whose interests are being advanced. Once you see who’s behind something, you start to understand its real priorities. That realization led me to leave both organizations, including the Club of Rome, where debates could be brilliant but where, ultimately, I felt vested interests too often took precedence over genuine public good.
Still, the UN and the Club gave me exposure I wouldn’t otherwise have had. They taught me how institutions operate from the inside — knowledge that has served me well. Experience is the best teacher, provided you keep an open mind and remain skeptical. That’s the single lesson I give my students: be skeptical. Don’t accept claims uncritically; check them for yourself.
For example, I tell students: if someone — even a professor — asserts something controversial, don’t take it on faith. Investigate it. That attitude applies to big issues like the pandemic or climate debates: examine the evidence, ask hard questions, and think for yourself.
Skepticism isn’t cynicism. It’s the foundation of freedom. If you cultivate critical thinking, you trust your judgment; you become a free person. And when individuals are free in that way, societies have the best chance to be truly free as well.
I think it’s worth noting that some of the most effective anti-globalist leaders in the West actually came up through the system. Take Steve Bannon: a former Goldman Sachs banker who later worked in Hollywood — and now he’s one of the movement’s most influential figures. The same goes for you.
This is a key point. You can’t understand these things from the outside. If you’re not in the middle of the fire, you simply don’t know. Someone can talk about it, sure, but you can’t really believe them until you’ve lived it. When you’re inside the fire, fighting it, your awareness sharpens — you see the system for what it is.
Steve Bannon is one example of someone who emerged from the system and then challenged it; there are others. I learned a lot from my time at the UN and the Club of Rome, but those experiences also opened my eyes. Many meetings claim to be about peace, yet peace is pushed into a corner. People sit around the table and talk “peace,” but their actions don’t reflect it — sometimes it felt like they were preparing for war instead.
That realization changed me. On missions, especially in Africa, the rhetoric was about peace, but the reality was different. When a few colleagues and I understood what was really happening, we chose to walk away. Why stay if the goal is only to be paid or to be part of a show?
At the end of the day, every leader must love their nation first if there’s to be real peace. People are born free by God, but systems — driven by oligarchic and globalist interests — try to control and contain them. Most people don’t realize they’re living in a prison, so they never attempt to break out. That’s the tragedy.
The organizations I mention are full of intelligent, elite people, but being elite doesn’t guarantee truth or virtue. That’s why skepticism and firsthand experience matter so much.
In your view, are the people who make up some of these supranational organizations, like the UN and the Club of Rome, naive, or are they malicious? From your experience, having been around them, would you say there are two kinds — those who know exactly what they’re doing and are just chasing wealth or power, and those who are simply naive and go along to get along?
The majority are naive. The truly malicious are few — a small core who pull the strings and need a handful of clever people to carry out their plans. They invest in those who can speak to the public and win trust; the manipulation is extremely subtle, designed so you don’t realize you’re being led.
When I had my breakthrough and recognized this, I quit. It wasn’t easy. The system is built on a psychology designed to control minds: you think you’re thinking for yourself, but you’re not. Over time you lose something vital — your soul, your freedom — and become little more than a tool for a handful of oligarchs.
According to the latest polls in Romania, the AUR party, short for the Alliance for the Union of Romanians, which is a party that’s broadly aligned with some or most of your positions, is polling around 40% (maybe higher), while the governing coalition of globalist parties has fallen significantly. How do you see Romanian politics unfolding over the next year, 18 months, two years — and even out to five years?
I’m convinced the United States will help uncover the truth about the annulled December 6, 2024 election — which, frankly, was a crime against democracy. Once that truth is established, we can start rebuilding.
I strongly believe the Trump–Vance administration understands the situation in Romania and knows what needs to be done. Looking ahead, I see Romania as a free country with a strong democracy, secured freedoms and lasting peace. With the right partnerships, especially with the United States, Romania can become an important ally and a model of civic renewal for its neighbors and beyond.
And lastly, back in May, you signalled you were stepping away from politics. Are you finished with politics?
What I’ve always said is this: my political party is the Romanian people. I haven’t abandoned them — I keep working for Romanians every day. When I said I’d step back from “politics,” I meant the day-to-day partisan game. I still make policy and I still serve the nation, but I don’t want to be consumed by petty political maneuvering.
Everything I did for AUR I did wholeheartedly. My priority has been Romania’s sovereignty and opening people’s eyes to how the system works. On that score, I believe we’ve succeeded: we changed the conversation and mobilized citizens. So no — I didn’t walk away from the country or its people. I shifted my focus from career politics to nation-building, and I’ll keep supporting those goals in whatever way best serves Romania.
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